Do Your Binoculars Verify You Actually Are A Significant Lover Of ...

Saturday, October 1st, 2011 | Recreation and Sports

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What Binocular Set up You happen to be a Significant Buff of Nascar?

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Source: http://www.balease.com/740/do-your-binoculars-verify-you-actually-are-a-significant-lover-of-nascar-racing/

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Obama pitches jobs bill, GOP wants less red tape (AP)

WASHINGTON ? President Barack Obama and his House Republican adversaries feuded over how to best create jobs in the weakened U.S. economy Saturday, with Obama demanding Congress pass his $447 billion jobs bill and the GOP countering with a call for less government red tape.

Both efforts face little chance of success as all-or-nothing proposals in the divided legislature.

The Senate, which is controlled by Democrats, has yet to take up Obama's legislation.

The president has been mounting a steady public campaign on behalf of his bill, casting Congress ? and Republicans in particular ? as obstacles. With a populist flair, Obama has been barnstorming across the country to prod Congress, so far to no avail.

"It is time for Congress to get its act together and pass this jobs bill so I can sign it into law," he said in his weekly radio and Internet address Saturday.

In the Republican address, Rep. Morgan Griffith, R-Va., made a pitch for legislation in the House that would reduce regulatory requirements on businesses. He cited rules affecting cement plants and restrictions on institutional boilers as examples of government overreaching.

"For years, excessive regulations have been a source of frustration for businesses trying to stay afloat," he said.

"President Obama, who has said he's willing to consider stopping excessive regulations, should call on the Democrat-led Senate to follow the House in passing these jobs bills," he said.

Obama's public approval ratings have held steady in the low 40 percent, but the public's assessment of his handling of the economy has been significantly lower. Obama has been trying to deflect responsibility to congressional Republicans, who together with congressional Democrats fare much worse than the president.

Obama's proposal would cut payroll taxes for workers and for businesses, lengthen jobless benefits, spend on public works projects and pay local and state governments to keep teachers, police and firefighters on the job. He has proposed paying for the legislation with targeted tax increases ? limits on deductions taken by wealthier taxpayers, closing corporate loopholes and ending oil and gas subsidies.

Republicans have said some of his proposals, such as the payroll tax cuts, are worth considering. But they object to spending proposals and flatly reject raising taxes to pay for them. Even some Senate Democrats have balked at the taxes Obama would raise.

There are 51 Democrats in the Senate and two independents who typically vote with them; there are 47 Republicans. But it usually takes 60 votes to overcome procedural roadblocks and pass legislation. Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, the second-ranking Democrat in the Senate and an Obama ally, told a radio interviewer this week that there were not 60 votes in the Senate now for Obama's bill. "We can work on it," Durbin said. "We should."

In the radio address, Obama said: "Some Republicans in Congress have said that they agree with certain parts of this jobs bill. If so, it's time for them to tell me what those proposals are."

Obama referred to letters he receives from across the country, from a Georgia teenager to an unemployed Oregon couple, urging Congress to pass the legislation.

"If anyone watching feels the same way, don't be shy about letting your congressman know," he said. "It is time for the politics to end."

____

Online:

Obama address: www.whitehouse.gov

GOP address: http://www.youtube.com/HouseConference

Source: http://us.rd.yahoo.com/dailynews/rss/obama/*http%3A//news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20111001/ap_on_go_pr_wh/us_obama

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Mitt Romney is the Richard Nixon of 2012 (The Week)

New York ? Just like our 37th president, the once and future GOP frontrunner will secure his party's nomination because the GOP has no other choice

In 1968, Richard Nixon campaigned on the apparently vapid slogan: "Nixon's the One." In truth, it was both clever and accurate, revealing the nature of Nixon's appeal ? the reductionist reason he ultimately won both the GOP nomination and the White House.

Nixon almost fell short in November after his Democratic rival, the incumbent Vice-President Hubert Humphrey, finally, gently ? perhaps too gently ? broke with Lyndon Johnson and called for a halt to the bombing of North Vietnam. In the end, though, the recycled Republican who had lost to JFK in 1960, and who had a secret plan for peace, seemed to a narrow plurality of Americans the safer bet to wind down the war and crack down on racial violence and rising crime at home.

The third-party candidate in 1968, the segregationist governor of Alabama George Wallace, took votes from Nixon, but not enough to deny him the presidency. Nixon had taken up enough of Wallace's grievances ? for example, school busing ? and code word-coated them so he could plausibly disclaim an appeal to prejudice. It was Nixon's "southern strategy." And here, too, he became the only practical, electable choice for those that wanted their votes to count and counter the civil rights revolution.

Romney may never command Republican emotions; like Nixon, he's a candidate of head, not heart ? of calculation, not deep conviction.

Still, it was in the primaries where Nixon's slogan so presciently told the tale of the tape. When the candidates were weighed in the balance, he was the only one ? not charismatic, but acceptable; the choice not of enthusiasm, but of realism. The one who won because his opponents lost. They were a formidable crew ? far more serious figures than the near caricatures in the 2012 GOP field, but each flawed in a different and fatal way.

New York Gov. Nelson Rockefeller dithered before entering and alienated some of his pivotal supporters, like Maryland Gov. Spiro Agnew, who as Nixon's soon-to-be running mate ranks high in the pre-Palin list of farfetched VP choices. Rockefeller was too moderate anyway ? in the eyes of too many in the GOP, guilty beyond a reasonable doubt of the mortal sin of liberal Republicanism.

On the other hand, Ronald Reagan, with the last-minute launch of the first of his four runs for the White House, was too far right in the prevailing unwisdom of the GOP establishment: He could never make it in a general election.

And George Romney, the popular governor of Michigan, and a fresher face than Nixon, spoke his own doom when he said that on a trip to Vietnam he had been "brainwashed" by U.S. generals and diplomats. Americans don't choose a self-confessed Manchurian candidate as their president.

Ironically, it's Romney's son who's steadily, and now increasingly, emerging as the Nixon of 2012 ? and not just in his contrived eagerness to conceal his real persona, whatever it is, and pander to the fears and anger of voters. Thus Romney has his plan for jobs; it's not a secret one like Nixon's plan to end the war, but it's equally fraudulent, a list of right-wing nostrums recast in the image of his famous ? and fictional ? record of job creation in the private sector.

Like Nixon, Romney has something more important ? the gift of opponents who are proving his case for the nomination. Put aside the patent absurdity of Michele Bachman, Herman Cain, Newt Gingrich ? and the quixotic quest of Jon Huntsman, a Rockefeller relic in an adamantly right-wing party where there are no Rockefeller Republicans left. Instead think of Rick Perry, whose spectacular rise and abrupt and accelerating fall are pushing pundits, party insiders, and primary voters toward the conclusion that Romney's all Republicans have, and just good enough to settle for, if they're actually focused on beating Barack Obama.

The conventional response here is that it's too early, that any such rush to judgement is ahistorical. And it's easy to cite misplaced analogies which miss the point that the political calendar doesn't march in lock step every four years.

Some point to the 2004 Democratic contest. John Kerry was far behind, falling fast in the autumn before the Iowa caucus. But at that moment, Democrats were rallying to Howard Dean out of an emotional reaction against the Iraq War. As they turned to another critical question ? "Who's a plausible president, who has a chance to beat Bush?" ? Dean's support drained away. Indeed, like Perry at the other end of the spectrum, Dean was prone to reckless statements like the one in which he said that he wouldn't assume Osama Bin Laden was guilty for 9/11. That came just weeks before caucus day ? but combined with his hot presence on the stump, it was as lethal as Perry calling Social Security "a Ponzi scheme" ? and then telling Republicans they're "heartless" for opposing in-state college tuition for the children of illegal immigrants.

We've also been reminded that at this time in the 2008 cycle, Rudolph Giuliani and former Sen. Fred Thompson, who had previously retired to a supporting role on Law and Order, were leading the GOP horse race with an underfunded John McCain lapped and all but written off. This ignores the fact that McCain had an underlying strength: He wasn't the favorite of movement Republicans, but he was heir to the unwritten Republican rule of nomination by primogeniture. It was his turn ? and he turned out to be the once and future frontrunner as Thompson fizzled in debates and primary voters discovered Giuliani's pro-choice position and his semi-tolerant attitude toward gays.

Although he's never experienced McCain's campaign money woes, Romney has already had his own fall from grace this year, an abrupt drop in the polls when Perry materialized out of the conservative West. The difference is that Romney is recovering faster than McCain did; the similarity is that Perry has a case of Thompson's debate impairment ? only worse ? and the Texas governor's immigration comment has offended the base even more swiftly than Giuliani did on social issues. Perry's now backed off his "heartless" comment but the imprint will remain ? and overall, the impression that he's inept was so instant, so powerful, that it may be indelible.

Finally, there's the suggestion from the smart, sometimes cynically smart Mark Halperin of TIME and Game Change fame that "Santorum...could soar in Iowa... [and] Huntsman is showing life in New Hampshire" ? which could be a threat to Romney. This is a woulda, coulda, shoulda thing that could happen in an ultimately unknowable future; but from what we do know, it's unlikely. The beneficiaries of Perry's fade in Iowa, according to the latest ARG survey, are Romney, who's now in first place there, and Bachmann, who's second. If Romney plays and prevails ? or comes close ? in the ultra-conservative GOP electorate in Iowa, the contest nationally could be over early, with the Iowa results confirming and solidifying his ingrained strength in the Granite State, sustaining him through South Carolina, and propelling him in Florida, where Perry's unrepentant Social Security-bashing has suddenly handed a six-point lead to Romney.

The trend across the board is Perry moving down and Romney moving up. As?I've argued, Democrats would prefer to run against the Texan; but given his prospects in swing states like Florida and Pennsylvania, his nomination would manifest the GOP as the party that has genuinely lost its head. Romney may never command Republican emotions; again, like Nixon, he's a candidate of head, not heart ? of calculation, not deep conviction. So gravitation toward him may be grudging; he may inch up rather than soar. But in the absence of someone more resonant with the base who also looks like a possible winner, Republicans will almost certainly wish and rationalize away their doubts about Romney's shape-shifting ideology.

Even the last-gasp search for an alternative ? how about the tub-thumping governor of New Jersey Chris Christie? ? points to the gathering realpolitik of this race. If Christie doesn't run ? and if he did, he might in his own inimitable way relive Perry's wild ride ? where can the party go other than to Romney?

There's a final parallel to Nixon here. His November 1968 victory was probably saved when his operatives covertly persuaded the South Vietnamese government to boycott and sabotage the Paris peace talks. This time, congressional Republicans ? whether they're for Romney or not ? are attempting to smooth his path, or any Republican nominee's, to victory in November. Their obstructionism on a jobs bill and their insistence on austerity may be a matter of ideology, although that didn't bother them when George W. Bush was the biggest deficit-driver in history. But it's also impossible not to believe that Republicans see a jobless recovery as a way to recover the job of president. The party of "morning in America" has become the party of twilight in America ? and aims to profit from it.

This could backfire and House Republicans know it ? which is why they haven't done something as obvious and odious as shutting down the government, even while they're busy shutting off economic growth. And while Romney may be the most viable ? the only viable ? Republican, he's also vulnerable, not just for his flip-flops, but for his record. Can a jobs destroyer as a venture capitalist, or a jobs laggard as a governor ? Massachusetts ranked 47th in job creation when Romney was in office ? convince the country that he will be the jobs president, or to take a chance that he might be better on the issue than Obama?

That's the post-convention question. Right now, Romney is gradually convincing the GOP to live with him ? or at least that there is not enough life in anyone else. Clearly, his progress is not a matter of Reaganesque affirmation. NBC's First Read observes that stories in both The Washington Post and The New York Times are asking: "Why hasn't Romney caught fire?" He can't ? and doesn't have to. Romney's victory will be found in the embers of rival candidacies.

Sure, other scenarios could play out. But more and more, the odds are that Romney's the one.

View this article on TheWeek.com
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    Consumer spend more, but their incomes fall (AP)

    WASHINGTON ? Consumers spent slightly more last month but earned less for the first time in nearly two years. The new data on spending and incomes suggest Americans tapped their savings to cope with steep gas prices and a weaker economy.

    The Commerce Department said Friday that consumer spending rose 0.2 percent in August after a revised 0.7 percent increase in July.

    Incomes fell 0.1 percent. That's the poorest showing since a similar 0.1 percent drop in October 2009.

    Americans saved less money. The savings rate fell to its lowest level since late 2009.

    A decline in income growth could slow the economy, if it causes households to cut back on spending. Consumer spending accounts for 70 percent of economic activity.

    The economy grew at an annual rate of just 0.9 percent in the first six months of the year, the slowest growth since the recession officially ended more than two years ago.

    Economists expect only slightly better growth in the second half of this year, based on expectations that consumers will spend more.

    Some are predicting growth of around 2 percent in the second half of the year. That level of growth would ease recession fears, but it's not enough to lower the unemployment rate, which was 9.2 percent in August.

    Consumer confidence stayed weak in September after the economy experienced a number of shocks this summer. Lawmakers fought over raising the nation's borrowing limit, Standard & Poor's downgraded long-term U.S. debt, the stock market fluctuated wildly and Europe's debt crisis intensified.

    Employers have pulled back on hiring. In August, they added no new jobs.

    Some pressures are easing. Gasoline prices are now roughly $3.46 per gallon. While that is higher than last year, the price is down nearly 52 cents from this year's peak price of $3.98.

    The Federal Reserve last week agreed to shift $400 billion of its portfolio of Treasury securities to try to drive down long-term interest rates. It was the Fed's latest unconventional move seeking to give the economy a boost.

    Source: http://us.rd.yahoo.com/dailynews/rss/energy/*http%3A//news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20110930/ap_on_bi_ge/us_consumer_spending

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    Video: Step into fall's hottest shoes

    ?Skipper Sara? takes on South Street Seaport

    ??Every week or so, TODAY?s Sara Haines tries her hand at odd jobs around the city. This week, she tested her sea legs, learning how to steer a giant, 150-passenger schooner around the island of Manhattan.

    Source: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/29054368/vp/44686338#44686338

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    Briefly Inspecting The Soccer Controversy | Increasing Your Networth

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    Source: http://increasingyournetworth.us/?p=88115

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    The heat's already turned up for plenty in NFL

    Tony Sparano

    By ARNIE STAPLETON

    updated 4:05 p.m. ET Sept. 27, 2011

    The furnaces aren't even fired up yet and already several NFL coaches, players and teams are feeling the heat.

    Chad Ochocinco still seems lost with his new team, the Patriots, even as Tom Brady piles up yards like no one ever has, and his old team, the Bengals, just played in front of the smallest crowd for a home opener in 30 years.

    Kyle Orton has lost 19 of his last 25 starts and fans in Denver are wondering why coach John Fox isn't using Tim Tebow in goal-line situations like the one that cost them a win at Tennessee on Sunday.

    Two quarterbacks feeling the hot breath of pass-rushers have been Michael Vick and Tony Romo. Vick's Super Bowl-or-bust Eagles are battered even if his right hand isn't broken. Romo has more to worry about than his fractured rib and punctured lung ? Dallas' depleted receiving crops and a center who can't snap the ball with any accuracy.

    The Vikings would be 3-0 if halftime scores mattered. They don't. And with a tendency of frittering away double-digit leads, they're 0-3.

    So is Indianapolis, where Peyton Manning is out, Kerry Collins is hurt and Curtis Painter might be in, although coach Jim Caldwell hasn't said whether his third-string QB will get his first career start Sunday.

    The winless Rams are drawing inspiration from the crosstown Cardinals' late-season charge for the NL wild card.

    "They scratched, clawed, battled, fought injuries, some tough losses, and yet here they are, with everything in front and a chance to do what they wanted to do at the beginning of the season," Rams coach Steve Spagnuolo said. "I do think there's a lesson for our team there."

    Joe Namath says the lesson Jets coach Rex Ryan should learn is to quit talking up his team so much, suggesting they're not as good as their talkative coach keeps telling them.

    His mouth may be open all the time, but his job is safe.

    The hottest seats are in Miami and Jacksonville.

    The Dolphins' Tony Sparano might be the first coaching casualty of the season, if the Jaguars' Jack Del Rio or the Chiefs' Todd Haley aren't run out of town first.

    Dolphins owner Stephen Ross's public courtship of Jim Harbaugh in the offseason left Sparano on shaky ground and an 0-3 start with tough road games looming against the Chargers and Jets could sink him.

    The Jaguars (1-2) have already switched quarterbacks, but a coaching change might not be far behind if Del Rio's offense stays so conservative. He'll have to get more aggressive and catch up to the league's prolific passing trend to keep pace with the high-scoring Saints next weekend.

    Haley was hailed as the Chiefs' savior a year ago when he led them to a surprising playoff berth and ended the Chargers' four-year run as AFC West champs.

    This year, his sour disposition isn't so easily dismissed with his team getting outscored 109-27. He's already lost three games and three stars with Jamaal Charles, Eric Berry and Tony Moeaki out with season-ending knee injuries.

    Fox's job is secure, but he might wear out his welcome in Denver if he doesn't consider using Tebow at least in goal-line situations after the Broncos' inability to punch it in on four tries inside the 2 led to a loss at Tennessee on Sunday.

    "I'm still figuring out this team," Fox said.

    Here's what fans of both the Broncos and Tebow already know: the "Tebow Package" produced four touchdowns last year in goal-line situations like that one Sunday in Nashville.

    Although Tebow was ill-prepared to compete for the starting job in training camp, Orton has fallen to 6-19 as Denver's starter after winning his first six games for them in 2009.

    Two of his four turnovers so far have proved costly. Against Oakland in the opener, Orton had his tight end wide open racing into the end zone for the go-ahead score in the fourth quarter only to drop the ball without so much as being hit.

    On Sunday, he was intercepted inside of two minutes, sealing the Titans' 17-14 win.

    Ochocinco was lambasted by former New England linebacker Tedy Bruschi for his tweet about being awe-struck by his team's offensive onslaught in the opener. Bruschi said on ESPN that Ochocinco should join the pass-catching party instead of being a bystander.

    He still hasn't ? he's sixth on his team with just five receptions even though Brady's 1,327 yards passing are the most in any three-week span in NFL history.

    Despite Brady's prolific passing numbers, the Patriots are downcast this week after blowing a 21-point lead at Buffalo on Sunday. Their longtime bunching bag had lost 15 straight times to New England, but now it's the Bills who are atop the AFC East at 3-0.

    They're the feel-good story of the season so far, along with the Lions, who are 3-0 for the first time since 1980.

    Of course, the biggest winner this year might just be the biggest loser.

    Stanford quarterback Andrew Luck is waiting in the wings, and the Dolphins, Colts, Chiefs, Vikings and Rams have the early inside track, although there are plenty of other teams that could wind up the worst of the worst.

    This year, that really wouldn't be so bad.

    ___

    Connect with AP Pro Football Writer Arnie Melendrez Stapleton at http://twitter.com/arniestapleton

    Copyright 2011 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.


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    What's ailing Jets' proud defense?

    ??Tanier: What must Darrelle Revis and the Jets do to prove they are more than just talk? Simply put, they must stop over-pursuing on running plays and creating unwinnable matchups for themselves on passing plays.

    Source: http://nbcsports.msnbc.com/id/44691079/ns/sports-nfl/

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    Social Media for Scientists Part 1: It's Our Job

    Scientists. We?re an enigmatic group of people. On the one hand, we are trailblazers. We?re the innovators and inventors whose job it is, quite literally, to expand the world?s technology through knowledge. We?re quick to see the merit in new methods like fluorescent proteins and hit the ground running with them.

    Yet when it comes to social adaptation and technology, we?re more than behind the curve. Although 72% of internet-using Americans are on Facebook, less than 2/3 of college faculty are. Similarly, in one survey, more than half of lab managers said they have never used Facebook.

    It may seem of little consequence whether scientists are using social media. That certainly seems to be the attitude of many scientists ? social media platforms like Facebook are seen as little more than ways to tell everyone how good the omlette you just made was or convince yourself that your ex?s new girlfriend isn?t prettier than you.

    But social media platforms aren?t just digital water coolers. They are the way the world is networking and communicating. They are how and where we share information ? with friends, colleagues, acquaintances and any and everyone else.

    Last Friday, I gave a talk titled ?Science and the Public: Why Every Lab Should Tweet.? My slides can be downloaded here (keynote for now ? will get ppt ones soon!), but I want to go over the argument I presented. I have broken this into two parts: this first post covers why, from a global perspective, it is important for scientists to engage in social media. My second post will cover what scientists can gain ? personally and professionally ? from doing so.

    So who cares if scientists are slow to adopt social media? For one, I do. I care because especially here in the US, science is poorly understood. Only 28% of our population can pass a basic science literacy test with questions like ?Does the Earth revolve around the sun?? or ?Did modern humans live alongside dinosaurs?? Such results might be funny if science weren?t so central to current politics. How can our nation make good decisions on climate change, medical practices or research funding if so little of our population understands even basic science?

    Yes, part of the solution to this problem is to invest in better education. But even assuming we do that, we are ignoring the millions of Americans who are no longer in school. We can make the next generation more scientifically literate, but we have to consider the current generations, too. Adults over age of 35 never learned about stem cells, nanotechnology or climate change in school, so they depend on the media to learn what they need to know. These are the people who vote. They are the ones whose taxes pay for scientific funding. We need to reach out to them, and to do that we need their trust.

    Contrary to how it might seem, scientists as a group are highly trusted by Americans. We rank second only to military personnel. But this trust is only in a broad sense ? as a recent survey by Scientific American and Nature showed, the minute you start asking about specific topics, especially complicated scientific topics like the causes of autism or climate change, that trust fizzles.

    How to we build and maintain that trust? We have to communicate better. As Rick E. Borchelt and colleagues wrote in an essay for AAAS, ?The scientific community needs to understand what ethical practitioners of public relations have long known: trust is not about information; it?s about dialogue and transparency.?

    Right now, science is almost entirely a one-way conversation. Scientists, as a group, pride themslves on doing cutting-edge research and publishing it in the top-tier journals of their field ? then most feel that their part in the conversation is over. The problem is, these publications aren?t really communicating science to anyone but other scientists. Articles are kept locked behind expensive paywalls, and even those that are published in open access journals are still inaccessible, as they lie behind what I like to call jargon walls.

    It?s not that non-scientists are too stupid to get science. Far from it. The average person simply doesn?t have the specific vocabulary to understand a scientific paper. I?m not stupid, yet when I take my car in to the mechanic, I don?t have the specific vocabulary to understand exactly what is making my check engine light keep turning on.

    This jargon wall breeds distrust. Do I overall trust mechanics to know how to fix my car? Sure. But when one starts going on and on about how my timing belt needs adjustment, my fuel injectors need to be replaced, and there?s an oil leak in my engine that needs fixing, do I fully trust that he?s not just making up problems to get me to pay more for repairs? Not for a second.

    Even worse, scientists pass the buck when it comes to communicating science. We write the papers, but then hand them off to journalists and say ?here, explain this to everyone else.? We hand what we?ve committed years of our life to over to a writer that may have little to no science training and even less passion for the discipline as a whole. Then, we gripe and moan when the science is shottily explained or, worse, completely misinterpreted.

    Guess what? As scientists, that is our fault. Sure, some science writers are worse than others. Some are perfectly content to published hype-driven stories that neglect scientific integrity. Others are amazing ? I would trust Ed Yong or Carl Zimmer with even my most precious scientific baby. But it is first and foremost the scientist?s job to share his or her research with the broader community. That means it is the scientist who is ultimately to blame when their research isn?t communicated well.

    How can the public trust us when we?re not out there sharing what we do? When they can?t see our passion? When we say we ?don?t have time? to interact with them, to explain our research better or answer their questions?

    Only 18% of Americans can name a living scientist. That statistic crushes my heart.

    When I say scientists should be involved in social media, it is because we need to open that dialogue. If people don?t know who we are or what we do, they will never really care about or trust what we say. Once upon a time I would have said this meant walking down the street and talking to people, but we now live in a digital age. 57% of Americans say they talk to people more online than they do in real life. Scientists need to be on social media because everyone else is already, talking about their thoughts and feelings, having discussions about things they care about, and generally, well, being social.

    48% of young Americans check Facebook first thing in the morning. 28% do so before they even get out of bed (including me). There are now more than 200 million tweets posted every day. If you?re trying to communicate but you?re not on social media, you?re like a tree falling in an empty forest ? yes, you?re making noise, but no one is listening. It?s not much of a dialogue if you?re the only one talking.

    Scientists need to be searchable. We need to be available. We need to take the time to open a dialogue about our research. Yes, it?s going to take up time, which is a rare and precious commodity to the average scientist. Yes, it?s going to take extra effort and dedication. But it will be worth it.

    Alan Alda said it perfectly when he asked,

    ?if scientists could communicate more in their own voices?in a familiar tone, with a less specialized vocabulary?would a wide range of people understand them better? Would their work be better understood by the general public, policy-makers, funders, and, even in some cases, other scientists??

    The answer is YES.

    Source: http://rss.sciam.com/click.phdo?i=589adb7624cfacacbd39bdd1beab96e8

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